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When Williams (1966) and others settled on the individual as the unit of selection, sexual reproduction immediately became a problem. Why In the backhanded language of biologists, sex is expensive, relative to asexual reproduction (e.g., Lewis, 1987). First, as noted previously, a sexual individual can pass on only 50% of its genetic material to its offspring. Second, the mixing of two gametes may easily lead to bad outcomes. Third, finding a suitable mate, reproducing, and caring for the young is very effortful. If genes are truly selfish, one would expect asexual reproduction to be more common. A large literature was soon generated attempting to account for why sexual reproduction evolved. Williams (1975) presented several possible models; Maynard Smith (1978) also described a diverse set of models. No single model fully satisfied theorists (e.g., see Ghiselin, 1988), and by the 1990s, 20 different theories had been proposed to account for the evolution of sex (Fehr, 2001). Three concepts are crucial in conceptualizing sex: genetic recombination, reproduction of offspring (or replication), and gender (Stearns, 1987). Recombination is not an automatic part of reproduction. The production of offspring can occur sexually or asexually, with or without recombination (Stearns, 1987, p. 16). For species with differing genders, gender is the principal consequence of a history of sexual selection (p. 17). Sexual reproduction is viewed as an important adaptation by biologists. But exactly what its adaptive significance is no one can yet say. No one has yet given a convincing, singlegeneration, micro-evolutionary and experimental demonstration of the advantages of sex, which must nevertheless exist (Stearns, 1987, pp. 26 27). Space precludes discussion of

different speeds in the gradual forgetting process and starting the drift phase tracking at different sample numbers (x-axis); y-axis represents the accuracy on the separate test set.

as the field of experimental psychology itself (see Boring, 1970, for a review) Some, now classical experimental examinations of divided attention (Binet, 1890; Bliss, 1892 1893; Welch, 1898) and of practice and skill learning (eg, Bryan & Harter, 1899; Solomons & Stein, 1896) were undertaken in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century These complemented writings on attention from an introspective perspective undertaken around the same time by phenomenologists and psychophysicists such as Hamilton (1859), James (1890), and Titchener (1908) By 1928, there was sufficient literature on attention to support a review paper on the topic in the Psychological Bulletin (Dallenbach, 1928) Interest in attention waned, however, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, when behaviorism dominated thinking and theorizing in psychology but became reinvigorated post-WWII with the advent of information-processing theory (eg, Wiener, 1948) and the rise of cognitive psychology.

A major stimulus for theory development in selective attention in particular came from the dichotic listening paradigm studies of Cherry (1953) In this paradigm, people were presented with separate messages to the left and right ears and were required to verbally repeat (or shadow) the message presented to one of the ears The shadowing task was assumed to cause attention to be allocated preferentially to the message that was to be repeated, and the interest was in determining to what extent selective attention to only the shadowed message was complete Measurement was made of how much and what features of the message presented to the other ear could be reported The dichotic listening studies consistently indicated that people processed very little of the information from the unshadowed message, apparently being able to selectively process only that information that was relevant to the task at hand.

Nevertheless, some particular physical characteristics of the unshadowed message (such as a change from a male to a female voice) were regularly detected, suggesting preferential (arguably automatic) processing of this kind of information Attempts to explain the selective listening data gave rise to a series of models of attention that all proposed bottlenecks at one or more stages of information processing (see Figure 111) Broadbent (1958) proposed a filter model of attention, with the processing bottleneck located early in the processing sequence and based on the physical properties of the different stimuli Deutsch and Deutsch (1963) argued for much later selection, with all stimuli first given extensive feature processing Treisman (1969) argued for an attenuation model of attention that proposed a series of tests (the first based on physical properties of the stimuli,.